THE INDUS SAGA AND THE MAKING OF PAKISTAN. Author: Aitzaz Ahsan. Distributed in September The book has been written by Mr Aitzaz Ahsan, the. The Indus Saga And The Making Of Pakistan [Aitzaz Ahsan] on ademtyssare.ga * FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Aitzaz Ahsan has come out with a new vision. The Indus Saga and the Making of Pakistan book. Read 14 reviews from the world's largest community for readers. Drawing on primary sources, especially li.
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First part namely 'two regions' deals with the Indian subcontinent's history from BC to AD , where he is trying to separate the Indus (Pakistan) from. The Indus saga and the making of Pakistan by Aitzaz Ahsan · The Indus saga and the making of Pakistan. by Aitzaz Ahsan. Print book. English. [2nd impr .]. Available in the National Library of Australia collection. Author: Ahsan, Aitzaz; Format: Book; xvi, p.: ill, maps ; 22 cm.
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Please create a new list with a new name; move some items to a new or existing list; or delete some items. What struck me then about it was its amateurishness, even a bit of naivete.
Nehru's "socialism" notwithstanding, there was no analysis there, just a flow of beautiful prose. The misery of the common Indian, the conflicts, the religious oppression had all given way to a smooth, almost teleological, movement of India's self-realisation.
It was ideology. It was the bourgeois India's self-image, its statement of how it should be regarded whenever it emerged as an independent nation. Nations did not exist before the 15th century some would say before the French Revolution.
Linguistic groups existed, states existed, the idea of the race and ethnic was recognised and discussed. But the nation is the gift of the bourgeoisie. Its reality is judged according to the famous five criteria.
But, above all, the nation is the mystique of the nation, as it envelops the bourgeois state and the market it creates and protects for its ruling class. The nation gives legitimacy both to the state and to the rule of the bourgeois. This national myth is created by the historians, sociologists, poets, novelists etc.
After a while, it becomes a part of national ideology, which, being autonomous, stands not only outside the economic sub-structure but, to some extent, even of the super-structure, though it basically forms part of the latter and reinforces it.
There is, strictly speaking, no ideological state. But every national history is heavily tinged with ideology.
The historians and other intellectual workers, not only create an auto-centric history, not only distinguish their nation sharply from others, but actually project it backward into the past, making the nation almost ahistorical. This is not just myth-making. It is an essential part of the creation of a national consciousness, which is the cement which holds a nation together. Aitzaz Ahsan's "Indus Saga" is the first attempt by a Pakistani intellectual, to the best of my knowledge, to formulate a theory of Pakistan's history.
It is a seminal work. He does not restrict himself to just stating a thesis but attempts to prove it by tracing Pakistan's roots, and those of its culture, as an uninterrupted movement starting from Harrapa. He shows us that, as a nation, Pakistan may not have evolved as one entity but it developed in its various territorial components autonomously, with a basic underlying economic and cultural unity among them. It was a nation in the process of becoming before it expressed itself in a state.
All discourses have weak aspects. So does Aitzaz Ahsan's. His weakness is his incomplete grasp of the materialist conception of history.
This sometimes leaves him searching for connecting links. He perforce falls back on purely cultural phenomena, which can provide the emotional indicators but not the solid sub-structure. Indian critics use the traditional clichs about Pakistan. For example, Muslim League was founded because "Bengali Muslims were the first ones to become aware of the differences between the Hindu bourgeoisie and the Muslim peasantry.
Indus was not, in any important respect, different from the rest of South Asia. So the attempt to project the modern Indus Valley back into history as autonomous of the Gangetic Plain is futile, specially since the Muslim Pakistan is not ready to own the Valley's non-Muslim past.
Many of these points appear valid but they have nothing to do with the main contradiction between Muslims and Hindus. The Congress propaganda, that, while it was bourgeois, progressive and "socialist", the Muslim League was the party of the Muslim feudal class, was neither true nor scientific. Bengali Hindu bourgeoisie was primarily landed, but in a pre-capitalist milieu. Its relationship with the peasantry, therefore, combined both capitalist exploitation and traditional non-economic coercion.